What type of colonialism still exists today?

Speaking on behalf of Secretary-General António Guterres, he also reminded the participants of the challenges which face the so-called Non-Self-Governing Territories which remain around the world. 

“Global cooperation is central to addressing its impacts”, he underscored, urging the Committee, also known as C-24, to “commit to making 2022 a year of recovery for everyone”. 

‘A unique platform’  

The Special Committee is “a unique platform to promote the implementation of the Declaration on Decolonization”, in accordance with all relevant resolutions, the senior UN official said.  

Last year, the C-24 made every effort for the territories and others to engage and be heard.  

He drew attention to new working methods, that allow the Committee to hear first from the territories before considering related resolutions. 

The C-24 remains committed to the fulfilling its mandate, assured Mr. Rattray. 

He described transparent and constructive dialogue as “pivotal” in opening further opportunities which could see progress towards full decolonization. 

Guided by the UN Charter and relevant resolutions, “the Secretariat will continue to support the Special Committee in its work to promote decolonization”, concluded the Chef de Cabinet. 

COVID in the mix 

The Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, Rosemary DiCarlo, pointed out that the “health, social and economic consequences of COVID-19” have served to compound the development challenges that territories have long faced.  

“Addressing these impacts requires improved global cooperation and solidarity”, including vaccine equity to enable COVID inoculations that are affordable and accessible to all, she said  

“Vaccinationalism is self-defeating and will only delay global recovery”, added Ms. DiCarlo, encouraging countries to stick to the commitment to leave no-one behind.  

Constructive relationships ‘indispensable’  

This session marks the beginning of the Fourth International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism and December 2020 marked the 60th anniversary of the Decolonization Declaration.  

The Committee continues its efforts to implement the Declaration and is further determined to strengthen informal dialogues with “administering powers” – the countries which continue to hold or claim sovereignty over territories - and other stakeholders, according to the UN political chief.  

“A constructive relationship with all involved is indispensable for the advancement of the decolonization process, on a case-by-case basis”, she said. 

In closing, Ms. DiCarlo stressed that expediting the decolonization process is “imperative” and urged everyone to “engage in new dynamics” to address the challenges ahead. 

Work in progress 

Since the birth of the United Nations, more than 80 former colonies comprising some 750 million people, have gained independence.  

As 17 Non-Self-Governing Territories (NSGTs) remain – or nearly two million people – the process of decolonization continues.  

Completing this mandate will require continuing dialogue among the administering powers, the 29 different nations that make up the Special Committee, and the Non-Self-Governing Territories. 

At a press conference on March 9 after Oprah Winfrey’s interview with Prince Harry and Meghan, the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was asked about his commitment to the monarchy and, in particular, whether it sat uncomfortably beside his stated desire to “dismantle colonialism in this country.”

In response, Trudeau acknowledged:

“There are many institutions that we have in this country, including that big building right across the street from us, Parliament, that has, and is, built around a system of colonialism, of discrimination, of systemic racism.”

During that same press conference however, when identifying solutions, Trudeau’s words changed. He began using the type of language we identify in a recent paper as “reconciliation lite.”

In analyzing statements made by past Canadian leaders to the world, we found that their language promotes a myth of Canada as a non-colonial power. We use reconciliation lite to describe a narrative that recognizes the need to correct past harms, but sees this as a problem solved by multiculturalism or legal rights. This narrative continues to centre settlers and their interests, and is not a move to return land or authority, or rebuild meaningful relationships between the Crown, Canadians and Indigenous peoples.

Trudeau’s response reflects this. Instead of continuing to acknowledge colonialism, his focus shifts to systemic discrimination. He said:

“The answer is not to suddenly toss out all the institutions and start over. The answer is to look very carefully at those systems and listen to Canadians who face discrimination every single day, and whenever they interact with those institutions, to understand the barriers, the inequities and the inequalities that exist within our institutions that need to be addressed, that many of us don’t see because we don’t live them. That’s what fighting systemic discrimination is all about. Listening, learning and improving, and transforming our institutions.”

By identifying the need to tackle systemic discrimination instead of colonialism, Trudeau is reinforcing an established idea in Canadian politics: that colonialism is history.

This idea is powerful. It offers some recognition of ongoing cultural harms today while shifting our attention away from colonialism’s structural nature, pointing instead to how we must end discrimination as racism and intolerance.

You can’t put a time-stamp on colonialism

As two settler scholars we are struck by the way colonialism is time-stamped as a historic phenomenon, effectively denying our settler colonial present. This exemplifies what scholars Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang call “settler moves to innocence.” These moves are an evasion of responsibility for the way settler colonialism today continues the project of Indigenous dispossession, whether that be of lands and waters, relationships, or as importantly, political authority.

Narratives that historicize colonialism are not new. Canadians and our leaders have a long history of identifying colonialism at home with British imperialism.

For example, former prime minister Stephen Harper’s apology for the residential school system did not include references to colonialism when admitting the “failings” of this country. He would go on to say that Canada itself has “no history of colonialism” at a 2009 G20 meeting. This narrative crosses parties, with Trudeau’s 2017 speech at the United Nations also identifying only “historical wrongs” and a “legacy of colonialism.”

Rather than following the lead of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and more recently the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Women and Girls, leaders insist that today Canada is not a colonial power. With this they participate in “maple washing.” By promoting the myth that Canada is morally superior, they are washing their hands of negative historical and contemporary actions, using the language of reconciliation to insist that we are a human rights leader at home and abroad.

Absolving responsibility

This is an attractive self-image. And in some ways we’re starting to see movement; the gap between rhetoric and reality is narrowing.

Focusing on systemic discrimination can bring real benefits, as we are seeing in some public health responses to the pandemic: recognizing medical discrimination has meant Indigenous communities have been among the first to receive vaccine doses. This offers protection to communities that have been disproportionately affected and had to create their own solutions.

By time-stamping colonialism however, Trudeau, and the many Canadian leaders before him, are absolving our governments of its responsibility for the structural nature of contemporary settler colonialism that continues through government policy and practice. They simultaneously refer to the need to advance reconciliation while reinforcing assumptions of settler sovereignty, and participate in the ongoing dispossession of Indigenous lands and waters. Discrimination and settler colonialism, while connected, are not the same thing.

Not understanding ourselves as a colonial power means ongoing conflict between the government and Indigenous nations.

Before and during the pandemic we have been caught up by news of governments seeking to impose their authority over Indigenous nations practising their rights to self-determination. From Sipekne’katik First Nation standing up for their treaty rights to earn a moderate livelihood, the Wet’suwet’en defence of their lands and people to 1492 Land Back Lane on Six Nations territory.

Read more: Conflict over Mi'kmaw lobster fishery reveals confusion over who makes the rules

It doesn’t stop there

We have seen the continuation of the government’s efforts to avoid paying compensation or equal support for First Nations child and family welfare and their failure to fulfil commitments to end long-term boil water advisories in First Nations communities. There is a common link between these cases: an unwillingness by the Canadian government to move past a colonial relationship with Indigenous nations.

This starts with acknowledging our colonial present.

Ultimately reinforcing a discursive move to reconciliation lite allows the government to maintain the settler whiteness of our colonial structures and relationships into the present day, while professing to be working to eliminate systemic racism and discrimination.

In doing that it undermines the opportunity to build a decolonized, nation-to-nation relationship between Indigenous nations and the government in the type of conciliation that is required.